By Ian Roberts
In contract and Head Movement, Ian Roberts explores the implications of Chomsky's conjecture that head-movement isn't a part of the slender syntax, the computational method that relates the lexicon to the interfaces. in contrast to different remedies of the topic that discard the concept that solely, Roberts's monograph keeps the center instinct at the back of head-movement and examines to what volume it may be reformulated and rethought. Roberts argues that the present belief of syntax needs to accommodate a species of head-movement, even supposing this operation differs a little bit in technical element and in empirical assurance from past understandings of it. He proposes that head-movement is a part of the slender syntax and that it applies the place the target of an Agree relation is flawed, in a feeling that he defines.
Roberts argues that the theoretical prestige of head-movement is especially comparable -- actually exact in a number of methods -- to that of XP-movement. hence head-movement, like XP-movement, will be considered as a part of slender syntax precisely to the level that XP-movement could be. If one point of minimalist theorizing is to cast off pointless differences, then Roberts's argument will be noticeable as disposing of the excellence among "heads" and "phrases" when it comes to inner merge (and consequently lowering the differences presently made among inner and exterior merge).
Linguistic Inquiry Monographs 59
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Extra info for Agreement and Head Movement: Clitics, Incorporation, and Defective Goals
3. Pied-piping, however, is not deﬁned (see Chomsky 2004, n. 46). It clearly consists of the stipulation that, in the case where two heads a and b Agree and the c-commanding head a has an EPP feature, movement of the maximal projection of b to the speciﬁer of a is required. Given that Agree is a head-head relation and EPP is really just a diacritic for triggering movement (or perhaps movement of a certain kind; see Chomsky 2008), we could naively conclude that the only type of movement available is head movement (see also Donati 2006, 26).
Neither set is included in the other, and so neither is more minimal than the other (recall that, for Hornstein, ‘‘shortest path’’ is not deﬁned in terms of the smallest number of nodes traversed, since grammars cannot count, but instead in terms of the subset relation). Finally, as Hornstein observes, there are in principle many superﬁcially di¤erent ways paths can be deﬁned, depending on how the ‘‘unit of measurement’’ is chosen. One option Hornstein does not consider is to include just goals.
B. It doesn’t seem that anyone speaks Irish anymore. *Anyone doesn’t seem to speak Irish anymore. c. After the meeting, nobody seemed to anybody to be satisﬁed with the outcome. *After the meeting, it seemed to anybody that nobody was satisﬁed with the outcome. In (28a,b), anyone has raised to a position outside of the c-command domain of the negative auxiliary, leading to ungrammaticality. In (28c), anybody depends on raising of nobody for licensing under c-command by this element. 16 26 Chapter 1 DP-movement also a¤ects scope interpretations.
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