By Rudolf E. de Jong

ISBN-10: 9004201017

ISBN-13: 9789004201019

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Additional resources for A Grammar of the Bedouin Dialects of Central and Southern Sinai

Example text

Among isolated examples there, however, is: sǝwwēt “I made” (p. 99 (XIV-37). )”, ibāyiḥ “animals for slaughter”, digāyig “minutes”. In LA such raising also takes place (but is less frequent than in ṬwA and HnA): gibāyil “tribes”, but manāṭig “regions”, mašāyix “sheikhs” and ǧawālig “carpets”. – (preceding stressed CCā): niǧǧāṛ “carpenter”, tillāǧah “fridge”, zihgānīn “fed up (pl. )”, šigṛā “white (sg. )”, uṛmā “gap-toothed (sg. 20 – (preceding stressed ū): buxūr “incense”, xurūf “lamb”, ǧinūb ~ ǧunūb “south” and (with initial *hamzah) uḅūy “my father” and uxūy “my brother”, and also 1st p.

16 Nishio 1992:2 (I-9) reports mī (which must be a misprint for m ī) for ǦbA. See remarks in Blanc 1970:127–128. g. yfijikk and yfukk “untie”, but in diffferent dialects) see De Jong 2000:73–74. Cf. 2.  Allophones of short vowels Allophones of short vowels do not difffer much from what was described for group I in De Jong 2000:74–77, although some allophones, notably of /a/, may appear in environments diffferent—or are more frequent, or less frequent—from those in group I.  Allophones of /i/ Allophones of /i/ are like those described for group VI.

Where diffferences do turn up, many of these can be ascribed to diffferences in interpretation of the phonological system and therefore also in methods of transcription. g. fijinal -ɛ has not been replaced by (in my transcription) -i(ʾ), -e(ʾ) or -a and the vowels e or ə have not been replaced by a or i, etc. Where phonological implications are connected to adaptations in transcriptions, these are expounded in accompanying lines. In this chapter I hope to shed some more light on the questions that may have arisen from Nishio 1992, and additional material is presented including material on neighbouring dialects: the dialects spoken by the Awlād Sa īd, Ṣawālḥah and Garāršah.

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